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Indian History Congress
Bhopal, 28-30 December 2001

Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, Shri Digvijay Singh, President, office bearers and members of the Indian History Congress, distinguished guests, representatives of the press and electronic media, eminent citizens of Bhopal, and friends,

I consider it a pleasure and an honour to have been invited to inaugurate this 62 session of the Indian History Congress, a most distinguished academic society. I am not a historian myself, although I have had the privilege of meeting almost all the leading political figures in India over the last half century. In fact I did a recording for the 50th Anniversary of our Independence called " Voices of freedom" which some of you may have seen. It contains the actual voices of many prominent Indian leaders from Mahatma Gandhi (whom I met back in 1947) all the way down to Rajiv Gandhi, linked together by a commentary written by me. Oral history is being increasingly recognised as an important input in our historical studies, and the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library in Delhi has built up a rich collection of recordings apart from the unique corpus of material it has on the history of modem India which is a veritable treasure trove for research scholars.

I have also had occasion to be involved in historic events, both in the first phase of my public life when from the age of 18 to 36 1 was heading the State of Jammu and Kashmir, and later as a member of Indira Gandhi's cabinet for the decade 1967-77. I have recounted the turbulent events of my Jammu & Kashmir years in some detail in my Autobiography. There is now, of course, a virtual avalanche of books on Jammu & Kashmir, and these clearly reflect the phenomenon of rival or multiple versions of history, raising an important point regarding the whole historical process and the disciplined research and methodology that is needed to present an accurate picture. If this is the case 'm regard to events which took place in our own lifetimes, it is obviously much more difficult to arrive at a definitive consensus on events that took place many hundreds or even thousands of years ago.

Our national motto is Satyameva Jayate - the truth alone will triumph, but how do we ascertain what the truth is? We are at present in the midst of a lively controversy regarding history, particularly in school textbooks, which I am sure will receive close attention in this session. I have no intention of rushing in where angels fear to tread. However, it does seem to me that there can in good faith be varying interpretations with regard to certain events and social phenomena which have to be presented in a balanced and mature fashion. I am deeply involved in the Interfaith movement which seeks to bring together people of different religious persuasions in a quest for harmony and understanding, and have occasion to meet many religious leaders in India and around the world. Although their views should certainly be treated with respect, I am unable to accept that they should have some kind of veto or fatwa regarding what should or should not be taught in our schools, as that would be a regressive step. Surely this must be left to the wisdom and good sense of professional historians and educationists.

It is, of course, not possible to gloss over unpleasant historical events such as the repeated invasions of the subcontinent and the resulting holocausts which are part of our historical background. India is littered with hundreds of ruined temples from the magnificent Martand in Kashmir down through the rest of the country, and it is no use pretending that these were not the result of fanatical invaders and iconoclastic rulers. We are told that after thousands of monks were put to the sword, the great Buddhist library of Nalanda burned for six months, as did the glittering capital of the Vijayanagar empire. On the other hand, we must also highlight the creative interaction that took place between Hindu and Islamic cultures in such varied fields among others as language (the development of Urdu with its beautiful ghazals), music (the Hindustani gayaki), dance (particularly Kathak), couture (the salwar kameez and the achkan) cuisine (the Mughlai mode of cooking and the Kashmiri wazwan), architecture (the great Mughal monuments including the magnificent Taj Mahal, the most beautiful structure in the world), and above all the unique synthesis between Sufism and Shaivism in Kashmir, resulting in the Rishi cult which transcended the religious divide. Indeed we still have numerous shrines such as the Dargah Sharief at Ajmer, Vaishno Devi in Jammu and the Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar which are visited annually by millions of devotees regardless of their religious persuasions.

Similarly, the manner in which Hindu society mistreated and humiliated the dalits over the centuries can in no way be condoned, nor can unacceptable customs such as human sacrifice or female infanticide be justified. At the same time, it should be recalled that a whole series of Hindu reform movements have taken place down through the centuries, aimed particularly at erasing caste discrimination. Jainism, Buddhism and Sikhism represented such egalitarian movements, while the Indian renaissance beginning with Raja Rammohan Roy in the 19d' century sparked off a powerful Hindu reform movement around the country which found its culmination in the Hindu Code Bill enacted by free India, and the affirmative action for scheduled castes and tribes enshrined in the Constitution which is unique m the world. Indian Muslims today are proud and equal citizens of free India and can in no way be held responsible for the atrocities of the early Muslim 'mvaders, any more than the 'caste Hindu' of today can be held responsible for the cruelties and rigidities of the earlier caste system. The point is not to apportion blame but to see historical events in their balanced perspective.

I mention these two areas simply to make the point that in dealing with our past we need a synergy of scholarship and sensitivity which would give our younger generations a more balanced picture of our chequered history. Also, we should certainly highlight the great achievements of Indian civilisation, albeit without overstating the case. Let us remember that the history of India is not merely one of kings and conquerors, but also of rishis and saints, sufis and gurus, tirthankars and bhikshus., not only a river of kings but an ocean of saints, not only a Rajtarangini but a Santmahasagar. The history of ideas, of art and architecture, of dance and music, of science and mathematics, is as important as the rise and fall of dynasties and is often interlinked with them. The history of philosophy and the quest for enlightenment is in fact the great glory of India, reflecting its spiritual pluralism and universality. Four of the world's great religions were born here, and four other came to us from West Asia and have flourished here for centuries. From the Vedic dictum of Ekam sad viprah bahudha vadanti - the truth is one, the wise call it by many names - down to present times, the vast and varied mosaic that is India has always been a land in which multiple races and religions, languages and customs, cultures and traditions have flowered. Any attempt to constrain this would amount to a serious distortion of our civilisational heritage.

Today, with a billion people, we represent one sixth of the human race living in a democracy and under the rule of law, itself an amazing historical achievement. And this is so because our Constitution enshrines the basic principle of unity in diversity that has been the keystone of the vibrant Indian civilisation down through the long and tortuous corridors of time. India has never been an island unto itself, it has been open to the influx of fresh ideas - Aa no bhadra kratavoyantu vishwatah - "let noble thoughts come to us from every side" as the Rig Veda puts it. Or as Sri Aurobindo writes in The Foundations of Indian Culture -

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"India can best develop herself and serve humanity by being herself and following the law of her own nature. This does not mean, as some narrowly and blindly suppose, the rejection of everything new that comes to us in the stream of Time or happens to have been first developed or powerfully expressed by the West. Such an attitude would be intellectually absurd, physically impossible and, above all, unspiritual; true spirituality rejects no new light, no added means or materials of our human self-development".

Moving from general principles to concrete issues, as I have a captive audience I thought I might place before this distinguished gathering five areas which, in my view, need more study and research by historians. The first, obviously, is one of the great unsolved mysteries of human history - the fascinating Indus Valley civilisation. Although there have been several distinguished attempts, including by two Jawaharlal Nehru Fellows, there seems to have been no universally accepted breakthrough yet in deciphering the Indus Valley script, and it has therefore not been possible to make a definitive statement regarding the origin of that great civilisation or its relationship with the Vedic culture. While the theory of the Aryan influx has held sway for a long time, there are alternative hypotheses which need to be studied rationally without injecting undue chauvinism into the process. This is one area where world acclaim is waiting to be won by the scholar who can finally crack the hieroglyphics of the Indus Valley seals. The recent satellite imagery of the subterranean course of the once mighty Saraswati river raises a host of fascinating possibilities that I am sure will be the subject of sustained study by archaeologists and historians.

A second area which has never really received the attention it deserves is the history of the great cultural efflorescence from India that spread throughout the South and Southeast Asia through Hinduism and Buddhism and is reflected in such magnificent monuments as the Borobudur (Bhadra-vihara) and Parambanan (Param-brahman) temples in Indonesia, and the truly astonishing and overwhelming Hindu-Buddhist temple complex at Angkor Vat in Cambodia, probably the greatest ever built by the human race. Who were the bearers of this tremendous vitality? What were the sagas connected with those who took our art and architecture, our Ramayana and Mahabharata, literally to the ends of Asia? Where are the great names connected with this astonishing movement over several centuries? If the "discovery" of America by Christopher Columbus is given such overarching importance by Western historians, why have we neglected our own cultural expansion which was achieved without any coercion or bloodshed? Why do our historians not link us to the greater India, in cultural terms, that lies far beyond our shores by highlighting the remarkable achievements of our rulers and merchant princes, architects and artisans, who carried the smile of the Buddha, the story of Rama and the dance of Shiva across the seven seas?

A third point concerns the history of the freedom movement. There is a widespread misconception that this movement began with the advent of Gandhiji, the Father of the Nation. In fact, after the 1857 revolt which we now call the first Indian War of Independence, the freedom movement can be traced back to the founding of the Indian National Congress in 1885 and subsequently to the events surrounding the Banga-Bhanga, the partition of Bengal, by Lord Curzon in 1905. It was through the movement sparked off by these two events that two major streams of thought emerged in the freedom struggle - the so called 'Moderates' led by men of great ability and integrity like Pherozshah Mehta, Dadabhai Naoroji and Gopal Krishna Gokhale, and the 'Radicals' led by some of the most remarkable men of modem times, Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak and Lala Lajpat Rai, Bipin Chandra Pal and Sri Aurobindo. In the luminous writings of Sri Aurobindo in the Karmavogin and the Bande Mataram at the turn of the century we fuid a clear enunciation of many of the concepts that Gandhiji was later to take up in his unique saga - purna swaraj, swadeshi, boycott and National education. It was Gandhiji's genius to have been able to combine the best features of both the moderate and the radical ideologies, give it his own special imprimatur, and take it to its triumphant yet tragic conclusion.

Yet another neglected area revolves around the history of the Princely States, including Bhopal where we are now meeting, which covered roughly one-third of the territory and one-quarter of the population of India during British rule. Despite the inherent limitations of feudalism, there were some notable achievements in such States as Travancore and Mysore, Hyderabad and Baroda, Jammu & Kashmir, where enlightened rulers and dewans made significant breakthroughs in the field of administration and engineering, education and social reform such as temple entry. Indeed, with the exception of Jammu & Kashmir, the peaceful integration of the former princely States into the democratic body politic of the Indian Republic has been one of the major historic achievements of modem times, probably unique in world history.

Incidentally, to strike a personal note, the creation of my home state of Jammu and Kashmir was itself a remarkable historic achievement. It is not often realised that what Maharaja Gulab Singh and his great generals like Zorawar Singh achieved was a feat unparalleled in Indian history. They extended and consolidated the northern boundaries of India by integrating Ladakh and the Central Asian region of Gilgit through high altitude campaigns in which thousands of Dogra soldiers drawn from the foothills of Jammu and Himachal Pradesh valiantly fought and laid down their lives. The Treaty of Amritsar in 1846 culminating in the founding of the multi-ethnic, multi-linguistic, multi-religious and multi-regional state of Jammu and Kashmir has often been portrayed negatively, whereby a grave injustice has been done to the Dogra community. Indeed even today, with all our advanced technology, we have not found it possible to hold on fully to the State, half of which is no longer under our physical control. I do not want to labour this point except to say that when the exploits of Maharana Pratap, Chhatrapati Shivajl and others are recounted, the developments in the far north should also receive due recognition.

The final point I would like to make, as a student of political science, is connected with the history of Partition. A great deal of research is being done on the genesis of Muslim separatism, and the two-nation theory, including a definitive three volume work by Professor Bimal Prasad which is nearing completion. Now, over half a century after partition, the time has surely come to take a more detached look at the whole spectrum of events leading up to that phenomenal disaster. Could partition have been avoided if, after the 1937 elections, there had been a greater accommodation and power sharing between the Congress and the Muslim League? Could partition have been avoided if the Cripps Mission proposals had been accepted? Sri Aurobindo, then living in his Ashram in Pondicherry, broke his silence during the Cripps Mission and wrote a letter urging the Congress to accept the proposals as the last chance to save Indian unity to which he was so passionately committed. Alternatively, if partition had to be accepted, could it not have been achieved without the terrible massacres and bloodshed that took place in 1946-47 and whose negative reverberations still resound through the sub-continent? All these are powerful and potent areas for historical research and reinterpretation.

Friends, let me conclude by speaking not of the past but of the future. With Indian history coming down unbroken from the mists of antiquity, we have now reached a crucial stage where India is poised for a decisive breakthrough. What we need is a vision of the future, for it has truly been said that without a vision a nation perishes. What has happened to the vision of a Lokmanya Tilak or a Sri Aurobindo, a Mahatma Gandhi or a Jawaharlal Nehru, a Sardar Patel or a Maulana Azad? Why do we tend to get mired in negativities, corruption and narrow parochialism rather than emerge as standard bearers of a sane and pluralistic global society? Where is the leadership so brilliantly defined by the poet lqbal when he wrote:

Nigah buland, sukhan dil nawaz, jan pursoz

yehi hain rakt-e-safar mir-e-caravan ke liye

"A lofty vision; a voice which touches the heart, a consciousness suffused with compassion, these are the only real requirements for the leader of the caravan".

Historians have sought to chart the course of the caravan of Indian history from the distant dawns of the past down to the present day buffeted by the alarums and excursions, the triumphs and tragedies of our age. As Jawaharlal Nehru wrote in the Discovery of India, "The past becomes something that leads up to the present, the moment of action, the future something that flows from it; and all three are essentially intertwined and interrelated." Inaugurating this Congress, it is my sincere hope that while mapping the past and evaluating the present, you will chart a great future for our nation so that we can fulfil our individual and civilisational destiny as we hurtle headlong into the future astride the irreversible arrow of time.

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